Isolating Muslims is not the way to tackle radicalisation in schools

Over the last few weeks I have been frustrated by a number of descriptions from a range of ‘experts’ about what radicalised Muslims look like, and the tell-tale signs to seek them out. I’ve heard of teacher guidance speaking about banning or looking out for children wearing ‘Free Palestine’ wristbands. Another statement from Britain’s most senior Muslim commissioner talked about tell-tale signs, including boycotting shops such as Marks and Spencer and being teetotal. Last week a questionnaire came to light that was being circulated in schools in East London which used leading questions about identity to identify the seeds of radicalisation.

There is a huge flaw in these methods. Firstly they are not about seeking out radicalisation. An assumption has been made that radicalisation is closely related to religion; therefore we are using approaches to assess how strongly people identify themselves as Muslim. A strong Muslim identity is being seen as a negative thing challenged now by the importance of holding a strong British identity based on ‘British values’. Many different people have a strong identity that extends beyond being British. Our environment often impacts how we see ourselves, making us focus on what makes us unique rather than the same as others. Would the same questions with similar answers lead to alerts when they were asked of other communities? One of the question from the BRIT survey asked if it was right to marry someone from a different race or religion. The 2011 census published figures about mixed race relationships in the UK. Yes Bangladeshi and Pakistani groups had low levels of interracial marriages but so did the Indian and African community in the UK as well as Chinese men. Yet I’m not sure if this would lead to their Britishness being questioned in the same way.

There is no evidence to suggest that it is the most devout Muslims in the UK who are joining ISIS. That is a deep oversimplification of the issue which criminalises a community. The term Moderate Muslim for me really reinforces this idea. Jihadi John has become the poster boy for radicalised Muslim youth, involved in the grotesque torture and executions undertaken by ISIS. He was identified a few months ago as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi. Many of those that knew him before joining ISIS do not describe him as a religious man. He was described as smoking marijuana, drinking, loving rap music and not wearing Islamic dress or praying. In the case of Jihadi John it was not a practicing Muslim with a strong Muslim identity that was radicalised. On the other hand there are many examples of where a strong Muslim faith and identity can have very positive impacts on young people. The Young Review published in December 2014 looked at how to improve outcomes for young black and Muslim men in the criminal justice system. The final report highlighted how many Muslim prisoners and ex-offenders saw religion as a positive force in coping with prison and release.

Another tell-tale sign we have wrongly accepted about radicalised Muslims is their political views. Many people across different communities are concerned with global conflicts and are critical of the West’s role in the Middle East. People are free to show this in different ways such as protests, boycotts and, yes, the occasional wristband. Stephen Hawking, Brian Eno, Mike Leigh and Alice Walker are just some of the names of people who have taken part in the Israel boycott in some way. However young Muslims are being identified as possibly radicalised when they hold similar views. As a country we are increasingly concerned with political apathy amongst young people and yet we are in effect drawing negative connotations from those that are politicised in a way that makes us feel uncomfortable. We should not forget that young people were important voices in the campaign against the Vietnam War and the Civil rights movement. The Occupy Movement has also been described as a youth movement.

Radicalisation of young Muslims may in fact be a new form of youth anti-establishment behaviour and while that is terrifying it is not new. If we explore gang culture in this country we can see that young people have always played a role in this violence. From the Teddy boys in the 50s to the current postcode gangs found in areas such as London, Birmingham and Manchester, the UK has a long history of disaffected youth being attracted to criminal behaviour and violence. Waltham Forest, the council which used the BRIT questionnaires to seek out extremism, interestingly has a significant gang population – in 2011 Gang expert Prof John Pitts estimated some 600 to 700 young people there were part of gangs. More research is needed to understand the causes of radicalisation and compare this to the drivers of other examples of violence in youth culture such as gangs and extreme activism. This will give us a greater understanding of the issue so that we can tackle it in a more sophisticated and evidence based way, rather than based on the sweeping assumptions we have made thus far.

If we reflect on the approaches used to address other youth issues we could learn so much. For example when dealing with teenage pregnancy, programmes that are successful focus on identifying and building low self esteem rather than concentrating on the negatives of being sexually active. Successful approaches to dealing with gangs focus positively on the identities of vulnerable youth. Would it not be damaging if we used questionnaires asking about music preferences, clothes choices and other irrelevant behaviours to identify the ‘initial seeds’ of gang violence. What we need is to begin from a positive framework about people’s identities. In another incident which has not been widely reported on, a letter was recently sent from an academy in Luton to parents, informing them about a course students would be attending on ‘Extremism’. Topics in the unit included terrorism, sexual exploitation, radicalisation and arranged and forced marriages. These issues are not confined to Muslim communities, and neither do they have any direct connection with extremism. How isolating must it be for students and families who received this letter to see a list of negative stereotypical issues related to Islam. What must they think about how they are viewed by this school? If there are young people who could potentially be radicalised at this school, this course would be more likely to drive these children away rather than re-engage them. What we need are approaches that are positive about people’s identities and that bring communities together, rather than drive them apart.

Fear and Education

One of the most memorable moments of the general election campaign was when Tristram Hunt the Shadow Education Secretary asked a young boy in Derbyshire which party he supported and why. The boy of just ten said that he would vote for UKIP as they would ‘get all of the foreigners out of this country’. Following this the boy’s school issued a statement to say that this was not the view of the school. UKIP were quick to denounce his statement claiming the boy had been ‘drinking in propaganda’ about UKIP from other rival parties and this was not how the party felt about immigration. His own mother was also quick to let the media know that this is not what she believes, embarrassed by her son’s behaviour. She sat her son down to explain to him that the problem was not foreigners though she does support a points based approach to immigration as found in Australia. So how did this boy of ten develop this radical view? And why did it take an MP and a host of TV cameras for us to realise and challenge this?

Whilst many were quick to dismiss the events in Derbyshire, earlier this month the SRTRC Charity released findings that suggest that this way of thinking is much more widespread. A survey of 6000 school children revealed chilling attitudes about Muslims communities and immigrants. 60% of those questioned agreed with the statement that ‘Asylum seekers and immigrants are stealing our jobs’. Almost a third agreed with the statement that ‘Muslims are taking over Britain’ and that ‘all immigrants are here illegally’. These findings suggest that the transmission of anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant views to young people is much more prevalent than we thought. Children are like sponges, quick to pick up the feelings of those around them perhaps without understanding the complexities behind these points of view. Their perceptions are shaped from their families, friends, schools, as well as influences such the media. This is a critical time when our values are formed and we have a responsibility to give young people a view of the world that is positive and inclusive.

The Oxford Dictionary describes racism as the belief that all members of each race possess characteristics, abilities, or qualities specific to that race, especially so as to distinguish it as inferior or superior to another race or races. Racism is a slippery thing and that is why it is so hard to confront. It is about the way black communities have been treated as shown in landmark cases such as Stephen Lawrence murder in 1993. However it also manifests in the language currently used to describe Eastern Europeans and Muslims. The saddest thing that that I have seen about the nature of racism is that those that suffer from it are also able to show those same behaviours against others. Because at its heart racism is about fear of the other, someone who is different from you. And no matter who we are and what we’ve experienced in times of difficulty it is easy to fall into the trap of fearing others.

So what do we do to challenge this wave of rising prejudice in our future society? There is not one solution. Rather, it is the responsibility of many different actors to address the key issue highlighted by this survey – the growing levels of anxiety experienced by many children about people who are different. Be it at home, or in the media we must constantly ask ourselves what we are teaching children about how to view and treat others. We should never take for granted the progress we have made in challenging prejudice. It may take different forms and manifest against different groups but prejudice is a constant threat that must continually be challenged.

Part of the solution is actually the setting for that conversation between Tristam Hunt and that ten year old boy. Schools have a fundamental role in shaping values. As Nelson Mandela famously said ‘Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world’. There has been so much talk recently about the role of schools in teaching British Values. I have always had a problem with this term as I see these more as universal values and would not want to infer that this country’s set of values are superior to any one else’s. In the Labour government’s efforts to acknowledge multiculturalism in schools there is some evidence to suggest that white British Culture was often missing from these conversations and could have been addressed more positively. The current Government must be careful not to swing too far the other way by focusing too much on a central British identity and not recognising the way this may damage the way we view others who are different. With the language that is being used around ‘Trojan Horse’ Schools, tackling radicalisation in schools and the importance of fundamental British Values what are young people learning about how they should think about Muslim communities and others that are different.

Ultimately education is about hope and aspiration. For me the most telling finding in the research released by the SRTRC Charity are the statements that captured how young people felt about their own futures. Over 40% of children who answered the survey said that there were a lack of job opportunities in the future and that they would not have or earn enough money. Children are a reflection of the society we live in and the values that we hold. They are telling us that they do not have hope for their own futures and perhaps their anxiety and fear feeds their prejudices. For me this hopelessness is a greater threat than the one of radicalisation and perhaps what we as a society need to take responsibility for and challenge.

Mind the gap

Last Wednesday the Education Select Committee held its final inquiry session looking at underachievement in education by white working class children. In all OECD countries a gap can be seen between the educational attainment of rich and poor. How much money you have has too large an impact on your academic success. In recent years the low achievement of white pupils from low socioeconomic groups has been further highlighted by the improvement of ethnic minority groups who had previously achieved the lowest test scores. I also come from a traditionally low achieving group whose performance has significantly improved over my lifetime. When I went to school in the 1980s Bangladeshi pupils were seen as the “lowest attaining of the principal minority ethnic groups”. My educational trajectory ended up being very different from these statistics and I have been trying to understand the reasons for this. What really influences our educational success and what role does class and race play in this story?

Last year we celebrated the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s “I have a dream” speech. At the time this speech was given black children in the US lagged behind their white peers by more than three years. Whilst we have come forward in many ways since this time, ethnicity still has a strong link with academic achievement. Reasons to explain this include high levels of poverty in ethnic minority groups, poor English and literacy skills and parents who are unfamiliar with the UK’s education system and therefore are unable to support their children. Interestingly the improvement of groups such as Bangladeshi pupils has occurred whilst these barriers remain. This has led many educationalists to question their original understanding of low achievement in ethnic minorities. Research has also shown that teachers tend to have lower expectations of ethnic minority pupils, which has a negative impact on their performance in school. Last December Ofsted’s Chief Inspector Sir Michael Wilshaw cited similar reasons for the low performance of white working class children in schools. In his annual report he claimed that England’s schools were failing white-working class children resulting in an “unacceptable waste of human potential”. He blamed this on low teacher expectation and a failure to instill the right learning culture.

For me high aspirations were a large part of why I was successful. From a very early age my parents told me that I would go to Oxbridge. I would study for hours at home with my father completing school textbooks ahead of school. They struggled in sending me to a small local private school. Whilst I did not always get high grades in school I was consistently told I had potential. But this is not all that I took away from school.  My school inadvertently taught me how to switch between the culture that I experienced at school and the culture I experienced at home. It did this through small things such as teaching me how to speak to adults that I was not familiar with, how to stand when a visitor entered the room, how to ask to go to the toilet without using the word toilet, how to eat without having my elbows on the table. Many groups including the white working class suffer at school because they are unable to adapt to and from these different cultures. A body of work has been emerging in countries such as the US to create “culturally relevant pedagogies” that result in a better link between the experiences of home and school. Whilst this work has tended to focus on ethnic minority groups, it could also have a powerful impact on the engagement and achievement of white working class children.

In 1947 Martin Luther King published an article called “The Purpose of Education” in which he stated “it seems to me that education has a two fold function to perform in the life of man and in society: the one is utility and the other is culture”. Whilst he was speaking about the importance of both intelligence and character, his words also made me think of the individual cultures we hold and how these influence the way in which we learn and engage with schools. School taught me about a culture I did not experience at home. It taught me how to assimilate to a culture that my parents’ thought would be the key to my success. On Monday the Guardian published an article by Suzanne Moore titled “Working-class kids shouldn’t have to be more middle class to fit in’’. In this article Moore describes how success is now about acting middle class and that certain groups such as the working class may have “no desire to fit in”. In 2003 Theresa Perry communicated a similar point with reference to African-American students. She wrote “can I commit myself to work hard, to achieve in a school, if cultural adaption effectively function as a prerequisite for skills acquisition, where ‘the price of the ticket’ is separation from the culture of my reference group?” What responsibility do schools have to adapt to the culture of their pupils and should children such as white working class pupils have to assimilate to another culture in order to be successful? What role does culture have in bridging the achievement gap?

The answer for some is a meritocratic society. In 1958 Michael Young coined the word “meritocracy” in his satirical book “The Rise of Meritocracy”.  Here he described a system where the class system in England had been eroded and replaced by one of talent and ability. Throughout his life Michael Young remained frustrated with how this word was picked up and used by politicians, including Tony Blair, who failed to understand the point of his story. Even though I worked for 5 years at the Young Foundation, an organisation created out of his legacy, I too failed to understand the message that Young was trying to make about class and talent. In his book Young spoke from the point of view of a sociologist in 2034 looking back on the past 163 years of education over which time an IQ driven education system had been created. He used this story to talk about his issues with the 1944 Education Act’s 11-plus exam and selective education system, and predicts the dangers of a more polarised yet meritocratic society. He conjured up an image of a talent obsessed society where those seen as talentless were conscious of their inadequacies and deserved failure. Is this not in part about how we judge and view talent which is also determined by culture? I have recently come across the work of Psychologist Professor Robert Plomin around genetics and educational achievement which reminded me of Young’s story. Plomin was coincidently called as a witness for the Education Select Committee’s inquiry into white working class underachievement. Polmin believes that genetics should be a part of teacher training so that teachers are able to personalise their teaching to draw out individuals’ talents. He also speaks about how DNA analysis could be used to create a learning chip with a “reliable genetic predictor” of strength and weaknesses. As someone who places their success down to environmental factors such as family and education I worry about Plomin’s work and how it could be interpreted. We have enough prejudice within our system. As Young predicted this could be more damaging than existing prejudices based on class and race. Whilst an approach based on genetics could be used to address the individual needs of white working class children, it will also introduce further prejudices into our education system.

Prejudices are not a thing of the past and are yet to be tackled head on in schools. It was only in the late 1980s that our first non-white MPs were elected since 1922. Stephen Lawrence’s murder was just over 20 years ago and exposed institutional racism in the UK. In 2008 a longitudinal study was published by the Department for Education which showed that certain ethnicities suffered from low teacher expectation. But prejudice is not just about race and ethnicity. It can be due to factors such as class or perceived intelligence. More must be done to understand the issues affecting the white working class as well as the specific barriers they face in schools. The number of working class MPs continue to fall and evidence submitted to the Education Select Committee referred to the “demise of culture” and “loss identity” in white working class communities. What can be done to tackle this and how can we use cultural identity as a tool to support and engage working class pupils?  A tricky balance is required in our schools where we do not judge people’s ability based on their backgrounds but are still able to understand their experiences, values and motivations in order to create an education system that can connect to them as individuals and bridge cultural divides.

What did Stuart Hall mean to me?

Stuart Hall is a figure that I have only come to know well recently but in that short time he has influenced me deeply. There are points in life where you stop and reflect on where you have come from in relation to where you are going. These points of reflection often take place at junctions where you examine who you are amidst the changes and necessary evolution that takes place in life. Stuart Hall who sadly died yesterday, helped me to understand these feelings but most importantly taught me to be comfortable with them and the ambiguous nature of identity in these modern times.

As the first generation child of a Bangladeshi family in London, identity and belonging are issues I have continuously grappled with. How do you define where you are from and who you are? How do you embrace the difference between yourself and those around you? How are you able to imagine your own future without having people to look to with similar experiences to you? In a fast-changing world the answers to these questions are complicated. With age my identity becomes more separate from that of my parents and I have found it increasingly difficult to find that balance between the different ways in which I viewed myself, now less anchored by my roots and Bengali origins. A Londoner, the child of an immigrant, a woman, a Muslim, an Asian, a Bengali, straight, British, English. Stuart Hall saw that no one thing could tell us who we are.

Today many announced Stuart Hall’s death as the loss of “the Godfather of multiculturism”. He is widely agreed to be one of Britain’s leading intellects, the co-founder of the first Cultural Studies programme in Birmingham and a prominent figure at the Open University. His voice shaped progressive debates around sexuality, gender, race and identity. In the 70s his studies looking at the links between racial prejudice and the media was described as ground breaking. Born under colonial rule in Kingston Jamaica in 1932, Hall’s work on culture and identity was incredibly personal, stemming from his experience of being “at least three shades darker” than the rest of his light-skinned middle class family and the rejection he felt as a result of this. This position of being an outsider stayed with him in 1951 when as a Rhodes Scholar he came to study at Merton College at Oxford University. He told the Guardian in 2012. “I’m not English and I never will be. The life I have lived is one of partial displacement”. John Akomfrah last year released the documentary “The Stuart Hall Project” which presented an intimate and engaging portrait of Hall. In this documentary Hall describes the first time he heard the music of Miles Davies. He said it was if “Miles Davies put his finger on my soul … the moods of Miles Davies matched the evolution of my own feelings”. I too have experienced that powerful moment of finding something for the first time that seemed to be made from the same thing as me. In my case it was music that emerged from artists such as Asian Dub Foundation in the late 90s.

Stuart Hall saw that identity was not a fixed thing but something that “becomes a moveable feat: formed and transformed continuously in relation to the ways we are represented or addressed in the cultural systems around us”. More poetically he describes identity as “an endless, ever unfinished conversation”. In a tribute featured on yesterday’s Newsnight, Jeremy Paxman suggested that some of Hall’s work had fallen out of fashion in the last few years. The truth is that his ideas have always been relevant, more so than ever, which is why he was such a dominating figure through the 60s, 70s and 80s. Whilst personally the work of Stuart Hall has been of interest of me I have also been searching for ways in which to apply his ideas to public services and my field of interest, education. How can more complex views of identity revolutionise the way in which we work with communities and meet the needs of children? Can a greater awareness of cultural identity in schools help to close the achievement gap?

As a multicultural state where inequalities correlate with demographics such as gender, class and race, I believe there is great potential in using Hall’s approach within the education system. One of the failures of the UK’s education system is our one-size-fits-all approach with all children. When reflecting on my own experiences I can see that my culture impacted the way in which I learnt and engaged with school. Luckily for me my own identity suited the current system and I was able to do well academically but for so many others this is not the case. I have spent the last 10 years working in education to try and understand why I was able to succeed when so many other children fail and what can be done to level the playing field. In countries such as the United States, Australia and New Zealand cultural identity has been used as a tool to both understand and tackle educational disadvantage. However these approaches classify people into clear ethnic groups and cultural identities are still seen as restricted to ethnic minorities. Stuarts Hall’s idea of ‘new ethnicities’ suggests that we as individuals speak from a particular place, out of a particular history, out of a particular experience and particular culture. In an education system where certain communities and groups consistently underperform in schools, a more complex picture of cultural identity based on Hall’s ideas could really change the way we understand teaching and learning. Rather than just having a superficial awareness and respect for different cultures, we could create an education system with schools that have a deep understanding and authority on how cultural identity can be used to ensure every child is able to succeed.

Stuart Hall’s death leaves large shoes to fill. Who like him will be able to define the cultural politics of the future? His impact on the world will be felt for generations to come as he has inspired so many and will continue to do so.